Post D: Punk Music


Indonesian punk culture fights back against oppressive political structures and provides an outlet for the misfits of society. It’s a unifying, rebellious assemblage that takes inspiration from the early 70s and is often characterized by mohawks, leather and piercings. According to Jeremy Wallach, “the fundamental stylistic features of punk music and fashion are thought to be unchanged since the dawn of the movement.” [2008] This culture is enduring and spreads like wildfire across a multitude of continents and civilisations.

The Sex Pistols, 1977

Many will argue that the Sex Pistols and the Ramones were the true fathers of punk rock. While the Ramones lay down the foundation of the sound with loose lyrics and hard-hitting percussion, the Pistols attacked deeper political themes. These bands inspired millions of wannabe rockstars and hopeful musicians, who copied their style of dress, values and unruly behavior. But it’s not just about breaking the rules and causing chaos; many bands focus on poverty, environmental destruction, the immorality of the government and fighting constrictive political regimes. NTRL’s song “Gak Asik!” combines head-banging guitar riffs and percussion with lyrics that highlight the destructive nature of the government system, stating “corruption is not cool.” Although it may seem rough from an outsider’s perspective, the music is frank and progressive.

Karli states that “punk is like a gateway drug. A portal to countercultural ideas and radical politics.” There are 2 subsets of punk in Indonesia – the posers who dress up in punk gear and set out to break laws and cause havoc – the “street kids” – and the moral, ideological community more concerned with political freedom and activism. Authorities tend to class these communities together, assuming the worst of anyone clad in leather and piercings. In 2011, the Indonesian province of Aceh pronounced punk to be “the new social disease,” ostracizing the community. They illegally arrested and detained 64 punks at a concert before they were forced to attend a moral re-education camp.

Aceh punks at the re-education camp with heads recently shaved, 2011

But punk music isn’t just about causing fights, it’s about defending one’s beliefs and finding a place where there is none in mainstream society. Maria Pro sums up the archetypal punk as an “anti-capitalist, anti-authoritarian, autonomous and independent son of a bitch.” This culture embraces the outsider; becomes a “place of refuge from families who don’t understand the aspirations of their youth, and from a society preoccupied with other issues.” [Pickles 2000].

John Harris suggests that people like punk because it is an expression of freedom, and is always far from the primary culture. [2012] It’s a way for lost souls to define themselves and find a place in a community amongst a more complex, globalised, post-authoritarian reality.



Radio National. (2014). Indonesian punk: PUNK’S NOT DEAD!. [online] Available at: [Accessed 22 Dec. 2017].

Wallach, J. (2008). Living the Punk Lifestyle in Jakarta. Ethnomusicology, [online] 52(1). Available at: [Accessed 14 Dec. 2017].

Ryan Bergeron, C. (2015). Punk Shocks the World – CNN. [online] CNN. Available at: [Accessed 17 Dec. 2017].

Pro, M. (2017). Punk Rock in Indonesia. [online] Available at: [Accessed 24 Dec. 2017].

Harris, J. (2012). Punk rock … alive and kicking in a repressive state near you. [online] the Guardian. Available at: [Accessed 17 Dec. 2017].

Handayani, E. (2016). Muslim punks in mohawks attacked: Punks in Indonesia are persecuted but still manage to maintain a culture which stands up for difference. Index on Censorship, 45(4), pp.39-43.

The Globe and Mail Inc. (2011). Indonesian punk youth cleansed by police. [image] Available at:×0/filters:quality(80)/ [Accessed 8 Dec. 2017].

Reuters (2011). Indonesia: ‘Dirty’ Punks Forced into ‘Moral Rehab’ by Sharia Police. [image] Available at: [Accessed 8 Dec. 2017].

Young, R. (1977). The Sex Pistols. [image] Available at: [Accessed 8 Dec. 2017].


Post B – CDC Anti-Smoking Campaign

Anti-smoking campaigns need to target a specific audience, and use hard-hitting emotional tactics to successfully inspire a change in behaviour. It has long been thought that most campaigns are aimed at the family or friends of the smoker, who have more leverage than the often ignorant and stubborn smokers themselves.

In Williams’ and Allan’s study, it is proposed that marginalised communities are more likely to resist smoking campaigns. The behaviours associated with smoking ‘signify risk taking, independence, and an anti-authoritarian attitude.’ [Pampel 2006]. this temperament is among the most difficult to approach with marketing tactics, as it is all about resistance, and is often formed via cultural influences. Smoking is encouraged in the ‘inter-exchange and sharing of tobacco; sharing between family and friends may act as reinforcement.’ [Williams & Allan 2014, pg 4].

The Center for Disease Control and Prevention’s (CDC) 2012 campaign featuring anti-smoking advocate Terrie Hall depicts the harsh, unglamorous, confronting reality of the potential, and more importantly, preventable, effects of smoking. It is done through a harrowingly personal recount of her experience of tobacco-related disease in a series of public service announcements titled “Terrie’s tips”. She speaks with a horrifying rasp using an artificial voicebox, and takes us through her daily routine, allowing us to compare our own. The repeated message “she was 53” throughout the campaign emphasises Terrie’s lost opportunities and the tragedy of her premature death. The print advertisement (shown below) highlights the tragedy of losing something so paramount as speaking; torn away by a preventable action.


“My fear now is that I won’t be around to see my grandchildren graduate or get married.”[9]

To target the “thoroughly integrated, embedded behaviour” [Booth-Butterfield, 2003] that is smoking, the approach must be evocative and realistic, as fear-based appeals can lead to rejection of the message and trigger a defensive response [Devlin 2007]. Terrie’s campaign drove 1.6 million smokers to try to quit, and helped more than 100,000 to succeed, inspiring millions of others to encourage friends and family members to quit. The initiative was eminent in that it was the first ever federally-funded national anti-smoking campaign. Healthcare costs related to smoking reached $93 million in 2013, and it remains the number one cause of preventable death in America.

From the CDC campaign, it is evident that an emotionally distressing personal narrative, combined with a sustained coverage, is effective in encouraging smokers to quit. Sandhu (2009) described strategic communication in this context as multidisciplinary “intentional” communication that requires a purposeful actor. The choice of Terrie, who dedicated most of her life in various anti-smoking pursuits, was an apt choice and a brave human to bare her experiences on the line to reach out to others.

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